This article aims to explain the failure of US-North Korea’s denuclearization negotiation in 2019. There has not been research on this topic. In general, existing literature proposes four factors that explain the failure of international negotiation, namely, actor, structure, strategy, and process. This article contributes to existing literature by adding another variable in explaining diplomatic failure. Using Charles Kupchan’s concept of unilateral accommodation, this article argues that the failure of US-North Korea’s denuclearization negotiation in 2019 is caused by the failure at the unilateral accommodation stage due to US distrust over North Korean’s commitment in dismantling its nuclear program. Despite the fact that North Korea has sent a positive signal to the US – for example by destroying its nuclear facilities and returning US prisoners of war and soldiers’ body – the US remains unfazed. This article demonstrates that the negotiation process is largely determined by the first stage in which each party gives concessions in order to create mutual trust.

The Indian Ocean offers the “global commons” the sea lanes of communication that connects the East with the West. These SLOCs nurtures the global economic world by providing for a classical instance of ‘multilateral maritime matrix,’ whereby merchant ships are manufactured in one country, maintained and owned by another, underwritten by third, registered in fourth and crewed by subjects of another. In this regard, the strategic and commercial concerns of nation-states extends from its immediate maritime borders to the protection of chokepoints where merchandise is most vulnerable to array of contemporary security threats. The third largest ocean, since the cessation of bipolar hostilities after the end of the Cold War, has been integrated to global market economics to a critical extent whereby any interruptions to the established trade networks is likely to have a ‘shockwave effect’. The Indian Ocean is presaged to continue as a ‘central shipment pathway’ for regional and inter-continental trade in wide scope of commercial commodity items. The patterns observed in the region consists of up gradation of existing port infrastructure and developing export markets and resources based on blue economy would strengthen maritime ties. These transformations have the potential to permit the Indian Ocean to be the “strategic heart of the maritime world”.         

Despite its public popularity, the claim that Indonesia was colonized by the Dutch for more than 300 years is now considered by historians as a historical myth, established as an instrument for nation-building. This article argues that rather than simply judging the claim as myth, we must understand it more comprehensively by employing the framework of International Political Economy, especially the approach which put the entanglements of Capitalism and Colonialism at the center of its analysis. By understanding Colonialism-Imperialism as a process (or a set of processes) of structural transformation, this article contends that the claim that Indonesia had been colonized by the Dutch for more than 300 years has its own merit and must be further explored.

The Arab Spring phenomenon has a negative impact on security stability in the Middle East. One of them is triggering the Syrian civil war. The civil war, which was originally a domestic Syrian problem, then escalated to Turkish territory. In the end, it had a bad impact on the relationship between Turkey and Syria, which was good before the civil war began. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the change in Turkey's political attitude towards Syria, and the decision to intervene military in Syria. Previous studies have discussed much of Turkey's role as a peacemaker for the conflict. It did not specifically discuss the reasons behind Turkey's military intervention in Syria. With a securitization theory approach, this article identifies the existential threat factors faced by Turkey. Especially the speech act variable in this theory seeks to analyze the political statement of Turkish authorities. This study uses qualitative methods in providing causal explanations. This article identifies that the various threats faced by Turkey as implications of civil war cannot be separated from the role of the Bashar Assad regime in Syria. The main argument is the Assad regime in Syria is the main root of Turkey's various security problems. However, this article does not measure the effectiveness of Turkey's military approach to the threats it faces in Syria. The theory of securitization has limitations in carrying out this effectiveness analysis.

Afghan refugees are currently the largest number of refugees in Indonesia. As a country that has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, Indonesia does not have the right obligations and legal basis in dealing with refugee problems. Thus, Afghan refugees lose their basic human rights. Therefore, UNHCR and Indonesia must work together and share responsibilities in providing protection to refugees. The author uses the concept of refugees, international organizations and international cooperation to study secondary data that is collected and analyzed qualitatively. The data used relates to the condition of Afghan refugees in Indonesia, the role of UNHCR, and the collaborative process of UNHCR and the Indonesian government in handling Afghan refugees in Indonesia. This article finds that the work of UNHCR and the Government of Indonesia is carried out by adjusting actions through a policy coordination process and agreement on the scope of cooperation and setting an agenda that is in line with the objectives and programs to achieve temporary protection and empowerment of refugees. This cooperation results in the protection of the human rights of Afghan refugees, such as human rights at the shelter, other rights such as access to education for refugee children and transparency regarding the personal data of refugees registered in Indonesia for further empowerment solutions.

The number of refugees and illegal migrants fleeing to Indonesia keeps growing significantly since Indonesia poses as a strategic place for a temporary stop before their main destination. This surely brings about predicaments to Indonesia. Against that background, this research aims toanswer the question of "How does the Indonesian government respond to the illegal migrant and refugees problem through the Immigration Detention Center (Rudenim) Semarang in Central Java?". This research is an explanatory research, where both primary and secondary data are used to support the findings. Through a qualitative approach, this research foundthat the government has responded to illegal migrant and refugees problems in a quite excellent manner such as the establishment of rumah detensi imigrasi (rudenim) or detention house and other forms of international cooperation. However, asylum seekers in Indonesia are not fully protected due to some factors such as the lack of regulation, the long-waiting period for the permanent placement and the lack of basic needs.Lastly, the situation only got worse because of the IOM and UNHCR support is still not optimal.

The Minangkabau ethnic group is still the largest matrilineal society in the world. Past research on this ethnicity are mainly centralized on the concept of merantau (migration), on its adaptation after the enter of Islam, and on the gender role and position in Minangkabau society. This research aims to highlight the contribution of the Minangkabau matrilineal system to the local development of West Sumatra, specifically the gender equality goal of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); and to what extent if it were present. This research employed qualitative method, and data were collected through literature study and interview with national and local NGOs working in the field of women and development. This research discovered that theoretically, the Minangkabau matrilineal values can and should stimulate the gender equality SDGs achievement in West Sumatra. However, in reality, gender inequality still exists in West Sumatra with several SGD targets having wider gaps compared to other patrilineal societies in Indonesia. This research argues that by not wholly implementing the matrilineal values, the West Sumatran Minangkabau people has indirectly restrained themselves from achieving gender equality in the region, specifically related to violence and discrimination against women, also active participation of women in the economy and politics.

This study reveals the institutional performance of the G20 in order to help global economy recovery because of COVID-19. This study uses qualitative methods, providing in-depth descriptions through internet-based research as data-based techniques. This study indicates that G20 has proven its performance in carrying out a multilateral cooperation system through collective responses, which contain six dimensions, namely yaitu domestic political management; deliberation; direction setting; decision making; and development of global governance. G20's coordination creates a global network that includes interactions between international institutions, namely the IMF, WTO, and World Bank, as well as regional organizations and informal partnerships in the arena of international cooperation.

Several academic studies have given birth to the notion that natural disasters and conflicts have a close relationship. Under certain conditions, the disaster functions to bring peace in conflict areas. However, it has not explained how the peace process can affect the dynamics of conflict. This paper aims to analyze the factors that cause conflict in a disaster area to transform into peace or vice versa. The prolonged social conflicts in the Indonesian provinces of Aceh (1976–2005) and Sri Lanka (1983–2009) are examples of cases where the tsunami disaster in December 2004 led to a peace agreement in Aceh, which was not long in the future while failing to bring peace to Sri Lanka. The research conduct with descriptive qualitative methods and internet-based literature study techniques. This paper finds that disaster is a catalyst for the peace process, not determining peace. The transformation of conflict into peace influence by four factors: poverty, state capacity, negotiations, and internationalization of conflicts. These factors that can create peace also depend much on pre-disaster and post-disaster peace efforts.

The rise of China in the South Pacific region indicates China’s growing political-diplomatic, economic, and the possibility of military presence within the region. Accordingly, it develops Australia’s threat perception and affects Australia’s national interest. A secure nearer region is the second most important in Australia’s strategic defense interests. Therefore, the stability and security of the South Pacific region are crucial to Australia’s national interests. This research discussed Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” as the defense strategy of Australia to strengthen its bilateral defense relations with the Melanesian states as the response to the rise of China. In addition, the research is constructed by using the concept of national interest, threat perception, defence strategy and bilateral defence relations through qualitative research method. This research explains the implementation of Australia’s “Stepping-Up engagement” with the Melanesian states as the defence strategy of Australia to respond to the rise of China in the South Pacific region.